The older I grow, the less omniscient I become in regard to economics, and I think most of us do. They were willing to lend ear to a new cult called "Nazi-ism"-a minority group which professed extraordinary patriotism, and offered bread and shelter and better Government through the rule of a handful of persons boasting of special aptitude for Government.
The right of free elections and the free choice of heads of Government were suddenly wiped out by a new regime, still professing the same purity of purpose. On such questions the aggregate total judgment of a farm owner, of the farmer and of all the farm hands will be sounder, I think, than that of the farm owner alone.
It is a relatively new thing in American life to consider what the relationship of Government is to its starving people and to its unemployed citizens, and to take steps to fulfill its governmental duties to them.
Many of the Jeffersonian school of thought were frank to admit the high motives and disinterestedness of Hamilton and his school. This is no time for any man to withdraw into some ivory tower and proclaim the right to hold himself aloof from the problems and the agonies of his society.
I am very happy with the present University of Pennsylvania. But what I want to say to you today I might as readily and easily have related in the autumn of Benjamin Franklin, to whom this University owes so much, realized too that while basic principles of natural science, of morality and of the science of society were eternal and immutable, the application of these principles necessarily changes with the patterns of living conditions from generation to generation.
A decade ago, for example, inthe German people despaired of the processes of their democracy, which were based on the free use of the franchise. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. As new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times.
In those days loudly professed emphasis was placed by that special group on their own purity of purpose. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. Eternal truths will be neither true nor eternal unless they have fresh meaning for every new social situation.
It is equally the obligation of education to train the minds and the talents of our youth; to improve, through creative citizenship, our American institutions in accord with the requirements of the future.
If democracy is to survive, it is the task of men of thought, as well as men of action, to put aside pride and prejudice; and with courage and single-minded devotion- and above all with humility—to find the truth and teach the truth that shall keep men free.
We have at the same time developed new beliefs in governmental responsibilities to humanity as a whole. I AM very greatly honored to have the privilege of wearing this hood.
Only too often- and we know many examples—in our political history, the few at the top have tried to advise or dictate to the many lower down how they should vote. In the maintenance of free elections rests the complete and the enduring safety of our form of Government.
Thereby, I, at least, would have been saved much embarrassment. As I understand my history, this was originally proposed as a place where the good and Reverend Doctor George Whitefield who, incidentally, used to go to my little County of Dutchess on the Hudson River—might preach his religion without certain difficulties which the old conservatives of Philadelphia at that time threw in his path.
Just so long as the voters of the Nation, regardless of higher education or property possessions, were free to exercise their choice in the polling place without hindrance, the country would have no cause to fear the head of tyranny.
I can never forget that some well-meaning people have even recently seriously suggested that the right to vote be denied to American men and women who through no fault of their own had lost their jobs and, in order to keep the family and the home going, were working on work relief projects.
The very foundation of this University was concerned with freedom of religious teaching, and with free learning for the many who could not pay for higher education. Nevertheless, their type of political thinking could easily lead to Government by selfish seekers for power and riches and glory.
No man can sever the bonds that unite him to his society simply by averting his eyes. Even then we were in the midst of a strange period of relapse in the history of the civilization of the world—for in some lands it has become the custom to burn the books of scholars and to fix by Government decree the national forms of religion, morality, culture and education.
For the great danger is that once the Government falls into the hands of a few elite, curtailment or even abolition of free elections might be adopted as the means of keeping them in power. I am certain that he would insist, were he with us today, that it is the whole duty of the philosopher and the educator to apply the eternal ideals of truth and goodness and justice in terms of the present and not terms of the past.
Growth and change are the law of all life. It was, however, with rare perspicuity, as time has shown, that Jefferson pointed out that, on the doctrine of sheer human frailty, the Hamilton theory was bound to develop, in the long run, into Government by selfishness or Government for personal gain or Government by class, that would ultimately lead to the abolishment of free elections.
Many Americans of those days were willing to concede that if Government could be guaranteed to be kept always on the high level of unselfish service suggested by the Hamiltonians there would be nothing to fear.
It is more than a mere formality, at a time like this, to join with you in celebrating the two hundredth anniversary of this free and independent institution of scholarship.
The survival and the growth of the University through these two centuries are particularly symbolic of the eternal strength that is inherent in the American concept of the freedom of human thought and action. On candidates and on election issues—and remember that I am trying to think of this year as being —I would rather trust the aggregate judgment of all the people in a factory—the president, all the vice presidents, the board of directors, the managers, the foremen, plus all the laborers—rather than the judgment of the few who may have financial control at the time.
I would rather rely on the aggregate opinion, on matters affecting Government, of a railroad president and its superintendents, its engineers, foremen, brakemen, conductors, trainmen, telegraphers, porters and all the others, than on the sole opinion of the few in control of the management, or of the principal stockholders themselves.“We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.” We cannot do it without you and mint-body.com’s is blessed to have you.
We welcome all grand-parents, parents and carers with open arms as we greatly value all you have to offer. Oct 03, · Future - Youth Quotes - Franklin Roosevelt “We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.” Franklin D.
Roosevelt ( – ) U.S. president. 25 “We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future” -Franklin Delano Roosevelt. H. umankind has long been preoccupied with its life in.
Roosevelt — ‘We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.’. We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.
Franklin D. Roosevelt 32nd president of US ( - ) More quotations on: View a Detailed Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt; View all 25 Franklin D. Roosevelt quotations. THE CONGREGATION OF THE SACRED HEARTS OF JESUS AND MARY CONTINUES TO SERVE SAN DIMAS, LA VERNE, AND SURROUNDING COMMUNITIES.
“We cannot always build a future for our youth, but we can always build our youth for the future.” Franklin D. Roosevelt.Download